Hazare’s India

A new, exciting and explosive movement has gripped India. The rise of anti-corruption activist Kisan Baburao Hazare, has put his agenda firmly on the map. The 74 year old former soldier threatened to starve himself to death if his anti-corruption bill was not passed through Parliament. ‘Anna’ Hazare has been affectionately awarded this honorary name of ‘big brother’ by his supporters. They represent a significant shift in the middle classes in India, and could transpire into becoming an important phase in the countries development.

As Ashok Bery notes, “for too long, Indians have tolerated the situation by saying chalta hai (a Hindi phrase meaning “it goes” – the equivalent of a shrug of the shoulders, or “that’s just the way it is”)”. India ranks 78th out of 178 in Transparency International’s Index of Corruption and it is widely acknowledged that bureaucratic and small-scale corruption is rife. A new website http://ipaidabribe.com/ has recently opened in an attempt to try and capture the scale, and gather evidence, of this bribery.  On the 7^th September, 14,205 people had registered that they had paid bribes of some kind.

Hazare’s campaign led to tens of thousands of supports taking to the streets during his 12-day struggle. Manmohan Singh and his government conceded on Saturday 27^th August and, in a historic signal, parliament “agreed in principle” to the majority of Hazare’s key demands: “that anti-corruption ombudsmen should be appointed in all regional states, not just at the centre; that the entire bureaucracy should be covered by the new anti-corruption law, and not just senior officials; and that there should be a citizens’ charter for redressing public grievances against the administration” (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/aug/28/anna-hazare-ends-hunger-strike). At the heart of this bill would be the Jan Lokpal – “a constitution-subverting supercommittee of 11 citizens vested with sweeping powers over the executive, legislature and judiciary”.

As Hazare’s ended his fast, he told supporters, “I haven’t given up the fast, I have only suspended it. My fast will really end when all our demands are met, when parliament passes the bill [to establish a nationwide ombudsman system] and there is genuine reform in the country.”

Some however, have suggested that this is a dangerous turn for democracy in India and will perhaps sets a president for such movements achieving success in the future. As Rahul Gandhi noted, “today, the proposed law is against corruption. Tomorrow, the target may be something less universally heralded. It may attack the plurality of our society and democracy.” Some have rightly questioned whether Hazare’s movement can speak for all of India – for the rural poor, different castes and tribal factions. Many have made comparisons between the Gandhian protests of independence and Hazares. But as Bery astutely recognises, the obvious comparisons are inconsequential. “Gandhi was not operating within a democratic environment. Anna Hazare is. He and his followers sometimes seem to be in danger of forgetting this.” So while the movement may have significant implications for India’s anti-corruption drive – it may equally have a less positive effect on democracy in the country.

What is clear is that Hazare has captured a wave of support across India. His anti-corruption bill seems likely to go through, in part, and this may have some important implications. However, perhaps more importantly, and dangerously, it also poses a threat to democracy. Kapil Komireddi suggests: “unanswerable to parliament, above the constitution, beyond the traditional checks and balances of democracy, and its incorruptibility apparently secure because its functionaries would be drawn primarily from a pool of distinguished prizewinners, the Jan Lokpal is a crystallisation of the emergent Indian middle class’s yearning for a benign dictatorship” (http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/the-staggers/2011/08/india-hazare-corruption-modi).

Chechen tragedy; a chronicle of destitution.

This article was first written for SomeThinkBlue magazine @ http://www.somethinkblue.com/article_detail.php?article_id=338

Through history, from czarist times, to Stalin, to Putin – Chechnya has been at the hands of fierce dictators and a chronicle of destitution. Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy summed up the anti-Russian feeling in czarist times in his novel Hadji Murat:

“No one spoke of hatred for the Russians,” he wrote. “The feeling which all Chechens felt, both young and old, was stronger than hatred. It was…such a revulsion, disgust and bewilderment at the senseless cruelty of these beings, that the desire to destroy them, like a desire to destroy rats, poisonous spiders and wolves, was as natural as the instinct for self-preservation.”

In the Soviet era, things didn’t improve, and Stalin deported as many as 600,000 thousand Chechens and Ingush to central Asia in 1944. This is a legacy which still cuts through Chechen society, and frames the on-going resistance to Russian rule.

In the post-Soviet era, two bloody wars of independence left Chechnya decimated; both literally and psychologically shattered. The physical destruction to the country was such that the capital Grozny was described as a third world shantytown. A guerrilla resistance emerged from the Chechen populace, and was very successful in countering the Russian advances. However, Islamic radicals have increasingly influenced this resistance, largely under a separatist guise.

Chechnya now lives under the hold of strongman president Ramzan Kadyrov. His presidency was created by Putin (formally given to his father Akhmad before his death), and this ‘democratic process’ has led to a tyrannical autocracy.

Kadyrov’s rule is framed by a difficult duality. The first side is the image of stability, progress, development – success even. After decades of war with Russia, Chechnya is currently experiencing a period of relative peace. The capital Grozny has been rebuilt after its capitulation in the 1^st war, characterised by an enormous mosque in the centre of the city.

A football match between an all star Brazilian side, including Dunga and Kafu, and an eccentric Chechen team captained by Kadyrov himself. Kadyrov has managed to retain a ‘peace’ with Russia, and end years of war. This is a sort of separatism without succession, and although not a clear resolution, is a marked improvement over years of acute war.

These positive signs cover up a vile reality. Kadyrov, due to almost unconditional backing from Moscow, has created an environment of fear in order to build the relative stability. Kadyrov wields power with unnerving brutality, crushing opposition and dissidence with impunity.

Human rights abuses are rife. They include house-burnings, enforced disappearances, beatings, deaths in custody, extrajudicial executions, arbitrary detentions, forced marriages, and torture. Amnesty International suggests “the civilian population … live in an atmosphere of lawlessness that engenders fear and insecurity.” High profile assassinations of human rights activists Anna Politkovskaya and Natalya Estemirova in 2006 and 2009 respectively give an indication of this repression. It is claimed that Kadyrov even said to Politkovskaya in 2004, “you are an enemy to be shot.”

Forced marriages, although not simply as a result of the Kadyrov regime but a cultural tradition, are a feature of life. The BBC has estimated that 1 in 5 marriages are a result of kidnap. This is pre-medieval and an indication of Chechen reality.

The autocratic regime, along with the history of repression, mean Chechens are once again fighting back. Increasingly, radical Islam which developed through the war years, is re-emerging as a significant force. Recent attacks in Russia, including the Domodedovo Airport bombing, are stark evidence of this. The issues of autonomy, over which the 2 wars were fought, are still unresolved. While Kadyrov has created a simulated stability, it is built on foundations which are already cracking.

Chechnya stays out of the Western media because it is part of the powerful Russian federation, off-limits to the UN, EU, US or any other body who might have some incentive to intervene. However, one might question why East Timor, or even Libya, is so very different to Chechnya. Clearly though, given Russia’s world status, intervention is not an option (not that it would necessarily lead to any improvements) – it is an entirely internal issue.

What is clear is that the situation in Chechnya is far from stable. It is a tragic story that looks set to get worse before it gets better. Watch this space – Chechnya is a ticking time bomb that is set to explode.

A Lost Political Utopia?

This article was first written for SomeThinkBlue Magazine @ http://www.somethinkblue.com/article_detail.php?article_id=316

With the plethora of political revolution echoing through the Middle East, it is difficult not to question the motives of our own domestic politics. The ‘developed world’ is lost in terms of its aims, or raison d’être. Political institutions around the globe appear at different periods in their development, or evolution, and as the democratic model takes centre stage, the question emerges as to what is driving our political process.

Political utopia?

Do we have an end point we are headed toward? Or rather, should there be one? In what direction is our political process taking society in; and more importantly, is it a direction we want to go in? As a social group, do we share visions of a utopia, to any degree, in either a philosophical and practical sense? Is there an equivalent of the ‘American Dream’, or are we shuffling down an unspecified road, unaware of the implications of our actions.

Consumption, excess, and ‘more’ all appear to be our most important societal characteristics. Equally, one might question whom the political powers are really serving. Lets assess the facts. Political reality means elective democracy relies on big business for funds. As a result, such businesses command a disproportionate amount of power in terms of policy. We need look no further than the lack of change surrounding environmental issues; a reduction in corporation tax of 14% over 4 years; or, the inadequate tax on bankers, as evidence of the power such institutions hold over policy making.

So – if this is true, the electorate is no longer the principle driver of much policy change. Further, the message we appear content to send when we do have some influence is that consumption, income and excess are what we care about. These are our success criteria, and what we ultimately hold our politicians to account for. The worry is that too many of us are either unaware or uninterested in these facts, and we therefore slide further into a trap future generations will ultimately pay for.

Dystopia?

I would argue our current ‘path to success’ is flawed, unsustainable, and is fast becoming a dystopia. So, what could an improved political ideal look like? Could it be based on fairness, progress, prosperity and equality.

Yes, enterprise and growth are important, but so are the NHS, welfare, political representation and a prosperous society, not only for those that benefit from our persistent desires for wealth creation.

Do we still hold a political curiosity, or are we simply content with our world? Have we simply lost our position of dissatisfaction, and need to strive to gain a better society? It feels like our vision has been clouded by the desire for personal wealth, material goods, and a career that will ensure these things. What about the often immeasurable, qualitative aspects of life. A fair, free, happy society. When the NHS is effectively privatised; benefits are cut disproportionately to those affecting those further up the income distribution; and, free schools drive a gulf between ‘achieving and non-achieving’ regions, increasing the divisions in society, where will we be left? The now well known book, The Spirit Level, by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett alludes to, “the pernicious effects that inequality has on societies: eroding trust, increasing anxiety and illness, (and) encouraging excessive consumption.” This will be the outcome of these policies, and a generation will pay for them.

A re-evaluation of our political and societal aspirations are needed, and quickly, before the dystopia is closer to reality than the utopia.

Post Colonial Africa: The Craze of the Dictatorship

This article was first written for SomeThinkBlue magazine @ http://www.somethinkblue.com/article_detail.php?article_id=288

Dictator.

“A Person exercising absolute authority of any kind or in any sphere; a person who authoritatively prescribes a course of action or dictates what is to be done.”

There are over 40 dictators in the world today, and billions of people live under such despot regimes. Post-colonial Africa has been overwhelmed with authoritarian rulers who supress a whole host of freedoms; commit torture; starve their own people; and, murder opponents with impunity.

From Idi Amin and Ugandan genocide to Omar Hassan Al-Bashir in Sudan, the historical backdrop is self-evident. The extent and dominance of despotism is patently clear.

Mad.

The sanity of these figures is beyond questionable. One need look no further than Amin’s genocide of around 500,000 people; the horrific acts of Mugabe in Zimbabwe after he formally took power in 1987; Al-Gadhafi in Libya; Al-Bashir in Sudan; alongside those less well known, such as Faure Gnassingbé in Togo, to highlight the madness and cruelty of the regimes.

Contradictory.

The fact that authoritarian regimes are so common across post-colonial Africa is paradoxical on a number of levels. Moving from one colonial repressor to a different domestic one appears illogically bizarre and deeply unjust for continually supressed generations. Young, ‘immature’ constitutions and the development of democracy are often cited as causes of how these regimes have and continue to maintain dominance. One might question whether recent events in North Africa are highlighting such contradictions and the increasingly available information flows across the continent creating a climate for change.

Powerful.

The longevity and seemingly infinite power of many these figures is at times unbelievable. Corruption at a premium, presidential privileges are infinite.  Mugabe’s personal wealth is commonly cited as primary evidence, but he is just one of many. President of Equatorial Guinea Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo is said to have upwards of $600 million in the bank, and ownership of $600 billion worth of business assets. These are ‘public’ funds, but rarely seen to be used in this respect. This is just one account; the list is a long one. The ability to hold on to power is the sole purpose for despot leaders and keeping the army on side is top of this list. Military coups are notorious in forcing regime change, but not normally to create democracy. A close second for many is keeping the superpowers either on side, as Mubarak has done in Egypt, or disinterested.

Transition?

The significance of recent events across northern Africa is unclear on a wider scale than their direct effects. Some have suggested that the events highlight a potential transition in Africa and there is some likelihood of a ‘domino effect’. This was certainly evident as the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia seemed to spark protests across Egypt against Mubarak’s reign. As previously suggested – the development of information channels and awareness of these protests across the continent have led some to suggest other dictators will ‘curse’ Mubarak in Egypt for allowing the situation to unfold.

The events in Tunisia and Egypt have opened the world’s eyes to western governments lack of interest in democracy while their interests are promoted. That the US gives Mubarak’s repressive 30 year regime in Egypt $1.5 billion per year, but will invade Iraq for regime change is stark evidence of this.

Tunisia and Egypt have shown that there is a way of creating change, but the recent elections in the Ivory Coast is a reminder of the fragility of democracy in much of Africa. The struggle for power between ousted President Laurent Gbagbo and newly elected Alassane Ouattara, and coinciding violence is stark evidence of such fragility.

Autocracy is still rife across Africa. There is potential to change, but local level revolution and protest appears the only way of getting there. Only time will tell if the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions will spark a shift away from the dominance of tyranny in Africa.

The great façade

This article was first written for somethinkblue magazine @ http://www.somethinkblue.com/article_detail.php?article_id=247

Manifestos are central to the notion of democracy we hold in the country. Under a representative democratic model, there are inevitably drawbacks; not least that just once every 4 or 5 years we can vote for those who fundamentally represent us. In making this judgement of whom we vote for, a party’s manifesto is critically important. These documents give us an insight, and significantly it is only this, into what the party stands for and what their policies will be. This seems a logical and appropriate system. In practice however, manifestos are allowed to be a populist tool, lacking substance and any ability to be held to account over their contents.

Manifesto promises are broken with disconcerting ease and increasing regularity. In Labour’s most recent term, the Lib Dem’s cited 10 broken promises, while others, including more ambiguous assurances, have cited as many as 27. Clearly, the most recent and high profile case is the Lib Dem’s failure to uphold a promise made around student fee increases, causing outcry amongst the student population particularly, many of whom voted for the party primarily on this basis. Equally, grand statements from Cameron that “we have no plans to raise VAT,” followed by exactly that just 6 months later seem beyond simply the ironic nature of politics and turns in the economy. Essentially, this feels like deceit to the electorate, who no longer appear to have any trust in the democratic or political process, and why would they?

This era of ill trust we are in is not looking likely to improve. As is inevitable with any coalition, conflicting policies inevitably lead to changes in policy, but this somehow doesn’t seem enough. As Labour’s Douglas Alexander has suggested, “moral outrage is a laudable response to manifest unfairness.” But he suggests, “we must earn the public’s trust in our own promises.” He is right that this is not a single party issue, but a political game, which the public must endure.

So what can we do? Well, the most logical method would be to create a system where these pledges couldn’t be simply populist hype, but would hold relevance and weight in some legal sense. One option is therefore to turn manifestos into legally binding agreements. Inevitably, this would drastically change what can realistically go into the documents.

Airy statements like: “efficiency savings”, “modernising our infrastructure” and “a commitment to sustainable growth” are simply populist; aimed at persuading the public they can be achieved without detailed information about how, when, or at the cost of what else. What if these vague statements were removed, and replaced with shorter, more detailed sets of policies – more considered, practically as well as ideologically. Is there a reason policies can’t be researched better and more conclusively so this could be possible? There wouldn’t be comments about promising the ambiguously ‘unpromisable’ – economic ‘stability’ or ‘low’ unemployment; but concrete policy changes.

The real question is whether this is possible. Clearly there would be issues, not least in terms of what would happen in a coalition, where no single party would be in power. But this could easily be sidestepped if, once in power, the new combined manifesto had to be written, agreed on and enacted into law. Parties in opposition would equally claim they wouldn’t know enough about the economic situation until in power to be able to make such decisions, but again, this doesn’t fly. One would surely just make a more transparent system where as much information was available as could be and a final version be written weeks after entering power. Parties would not be able to differ significantly from their original document in fear of losing trust immediately – and this being reflected in a loss of power in future years.

It would be equally straightforward to create a separate ‘ideological standpoint’ text to allow parties to highlight what their fundamental beliefs and philosophies are. This would permit parties to clarify these positions, but crucially, away from the practical, policy domain.

As things stands, manifesto pledges are broken all the time, but we, the electorate have no power to do anything about it but wait for the next election, still in the knowledge the next set of promises will be made, and quite possibly broken.

The democratic process in this country is overly reliant on a tool that is subject to change at any moment – on what often appears as either the populist and unrealistic nature of original claims or simply on the whim of those we elect. Deceit is rife, trust at a low point and maybe this should change – and why can’t it? Let’s move away from ambiguous statements – impossible to control, influence or regulate and move towards political credibility, where we, the electorate have some control and real influence on the democratic process and the policy choices that affect our everyday lives.

Drummer’s Hopes

This article was first written for SomeThinkBlue Magazine @ http://www.somethinkblue.com/article_detail.php?article_id=207

A dusty sheen hovers over the bustling streets of Lomé, Togo. A fierce wave of engine noise, street sellers and heavy beat-ridden music echoes through the city. Weaving away from the chaos and frantic energy of the main streets, one finds a subdued, restful place, where the red dust streets, as worn as they are characterful, seem oddly apt in describing their occupants. The gentle, elegant tones of ewe waft through walls and courtyards, creating a peaceful air in the fragile surroundings. At timely intervals, the serenity is broken. A flock of footballers hare round corners, sidestepping chickens, goats and out of sight.

The gently hopeful, upbeat air which superficially surrounds us is difficult to sustain, and the deeper one falls into these African streets, the clearer reality becomes. Hunched under lounging palm trees, groups of young men gravitate towards the calm of the shade. At first glance, this is not out of the ordinary, but the picture is repeated up and down the city; be it a palm tree, a communal courtyard or a roadside stall, the sight of the unemployed becomes overwhelmingly apparent. “What are you doing?” I ask one group, “nothing” – a unanimous reply. “And tomorrow” I muster, hoping for a little more, “nothing, there is nothing here.”

This dominance of unemployment is particularly demoralising, as these are not uneducated, unskilled young people, but often university educated, brimming with ideas and potential. The strong education system is a relic of the Eyadema Gnassingbé reign (the longest dictatorship in African history), and is one of the few good social institutions in Togo. However, its positives are more often than not drowned out by the other realities of Togo’s recent political history.

Togo is one of the poorest countries on the planet; it has a GDP per capita of $778, sits 159 out of 182 countries in the Human Development Index, incorporating GDP, literacy (although this has changed to years of education in 2010) and life expectancy. Unemployment, as alluded to, is catastrophically high. In these economic respects, the outlook is bleak, but this does not tell the whole story. Crime rates across the country are incredibly low (just 46 in 100,000 people are in prison, compared to 715 in the US) and socially, it is simply not accepted. The reason for this is perhaps linked to the fact that inequality appears almost non-existent. Nobody has much, but almost everyone has something. Community is huge, and family support is a fundamental part of life. This social structure is important, not only insomuch as it creates an influential value base, but it also means that while under-development and lack of opportunity is widespread, acute poverty is not.

The increasing availability of the Internet and other media is creating a new level of dissatisfaction amongst the younger generations; taught the ‘American dream’ utopia at school and university and witnessing through new media how different life is in the developed world – a rising anger seems natural. This dissatisfaction though, appears aimed solely at the government and its practises.

The economy in Togo is almost non-existent. It is based entirely on micro-level foundations, where everything is bought and sold on a day-to-day basis, with almost no industry and no financial sector to speak of. In terms of foreign investment, just $60 million comes into Togo each year. There is nothing to invest in, no infrastructure, apart from an under used port, and no mass methods of marketing or retailing products. If you wanted to sell goods or open shops, there simply isn’t a market for it. There is only a micro-economy. It must be nearly the only place in the world without a MacDonald’s (not that this should be seen as a negative but it is economically enlightening). Why? Because people can’t afford its relatively extortionate price when they can buy a substantial meal for a fraction of the cost on the street. It’s simple economics.

Corruption is also rife, and Transparency International estimate that Togolese families pay around 20% of their income in bribes. Further, as one travels across the country, the only infrastructural change through government spending seems to be in building ever more presidential palaces. This however, does not stop western powers and international institutions sending more and more aid to Togo – fuelling corruption and bad governance. Consequently, there is no incentive to change policies and promote growth and development through government spending and investment, which its people so badly need.

But without foreign investment or government spending, where else is this investment coming from to drive growth? Three further options are most apparent – Micro-credit, International institutions or some other form of aid.

The reality of micro-credit is that although it does provide small loans to start small business, the requirements and securities needed to access the credit are incredibly high – pricing out the vast majority of customers who would otherwise take out such loans. Further, the interest rates are high, around 18% in Togo. One cannot blame the firms for these factors, as it is a volatile and highly risk led business and there are no guarantees of repayments. However, this does amount to a situation where micro-finance is unlikely to alone drive development and growth.

International institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF are present in Togo, but there is little evidence of any real influence. They do provide funding for the Togolese government, but this appears almost unconditional and it is argued, by the Togolese people amongst others, that this is merely stimulating more corruption and a lack of accountability of government, whilst simultaneously incentivising the government to hold onto power at all costs. This is critical, and the authoritarian nature of Faure Gnassingbé’s governance, hidden in the illusion of democracy, is a defining feature of Togo’s lack of development.

There is much debate around the effectiveness of aid. It certainly has merit if it can reach the ground and fund small-scale projects, but evidence of this is fairly rare. Certainly promoting this as the key driver of change seems steeped in uncertainties.

There is no easy answer to the situation Togo finds itself in, but the reality is that its inhabitants, and particularly the young, are increasingly feeling detached and disillusioned. They seem almost despondent about the potential for change, and while the West considered the 2010 elections ‘relatively free and fair’, the locals view them as inherently un-free and un-fair. Their anger is aimed largely at Faure Gnassingbé, who seized power in a military coup in 2005 after his father’s death. The Freedom Index suggests Togo is the 161st ‘freest’ country in the world. Gnassingbé’s lack of progressive policy and investment is creating a growing gap between Togo and its neighbours. Even Benin, situated just east of Togo, is experiencing some development. Not dramatic, but evident, and largely as a result of governmental policies.

Togo’s initial romanticism is, unfortunately, short lived. Football – les Eperviers, extraordinary musical beats, overwhelming buoyancy and an inspiring character – eventually give way to the attritional nature of reality.

Tomorrow requires something different: change, inspiration, a new sense of hope. For the majority of the unemployed in Togo, tomorrow is just another day.

 

The Mountain Which Eats Men

This article was first written for SomeThinkBlue Magazine @ http://www.somethinkblue.com/article_detail.php?article_id=137

Did you know that one out of every six children in the world is involved in child labour? Almost have the world – over 3 billion people – live on less than $2.50 per day. How often do we hear about the 30 million slaves in the world today? As British citizens, we aren’t used to facing these kinds of questions. It was long ago that these rights we now take for granted were fought over, struggled through and eventually enacted into law. This article will very briefly consider some of these rights we are lucky to have in this country before using a small town in Bolivia as an example of how different things still are around the world.

Employment has inevitably played a crucial role in society and provides the framework for both how society works, and how other aspects of our moral agenda are constructed. Looking throughout the last century – there have been notable additions to our employment law. These include the Master and Servant Act; Race Relations Act; Employment Rights Act; Minimum Wage Act; Equal Pay Act; Equality Act; and the list goes on. Often, as a generation who have not necessarily experienced a time where we have had to endure these sorts of struggles, they are easily forgotten or taken for granted. One might argue it is a sign of progress that we do not see these issues as important, and that they have now become an accepted part of society. I think this is a forceful, optimistic argument, and one which is worth considering. However, it seems important to recognise that there are substantial areas in the world where these laws simply do not exist, and far from taking such rights for granted, they are a distant, if not unimaginable dream for millions of people.

Let us consider a small town in central Bolivia, famous for its historically mineral rich mine. Potosi, claimed to be one the highest cities in the world, is situated in Southern Bolivia and is home to 160,000 people. The city looms under the Cerro de Potosí, or ‘Cerro Rico’ – the rich mountain, as it’s better known. The now infamous mine enclosed by the mountain, a relic from the Spanish era dating back to the mid 1500’s, is still the main source of employment for the cities inhabitants. The mine was once hugely mineral rich, to the extent that in the 17th century, Potosi was one of the richest cities in the America’s – and was the primary supplier of silver to the Spanish Empire. In Spain, even today, if something is “worth a Potosí,” it is worth a fortune. Bolivian’s will tell you this Silver was stolen by the Spanish, and is the primary reason for their lack of wealth today, a relevant, and intriguing argument.

Potosi’s decline in economic prosperity has unsurprisingly occurred with the depletion of the mine’s resources and this is reflected across the city, both inside and outside the mine. The most profitable export from the mine is now zinc, and only the lucky few manage to get their hands on all that remains of the largely poor quality silver. An interesting factor is the structure of the mines, where the miners work as part of collectives, and therefore essentially for themselves. This is a significant issue as even when accounting for the conditions these miners face, they still choose to work in the mine, waiting literally, for that glimmer of hope.

There are two key issues here; first, that working in the mines still offers people in Potosi the best chance of gaining wealth. One example of such an occurrence was highlighted when, a now rich member of the Mining board who began life as a miner, found a large pot of silver which ensured his future outside of the mine. It is these rags to riches stories which continue to prove a great enough incentive for the men and boys in Potosi to continue to give their, inevitably shorter lives, to the mine. The second key point is that there are not more opportunities for such people away from the mine. Working from often young ages, education is secondary to the potential riches the mines offer; and who could begrudge these individuals for taking that chance? Wealth is hard to come by throughout Bolivia, regardless of one’s education. However, it is the conditions which miners face which is the most incredible aspect of the choice these Bolivian’s are left with.

Miners in Potosi face an environment which has not changed a great deal since the Spanish left, and perhaps the most frightening element is the 40 year life expectancy. The oldest miner in Potosi is 57. This tells its own story. This plight is due to the contracting of silicosis pneumonia, a disease of the lungs which arises due to the metallic, dusty nature of the narrow tunnels within the mine. Ironically, masks which the miners could wear are too uncomfortable in the unbearable heat, which rises as high as 40 degrees in the depths of the Cerro Rico. One particularly heart wrenching addition is that only once miners have 80 or 90% silicosis of the lung, are they eligible for a miners state pension, which comes with the acute knowledge that they have only months left to live.

On the other end of the spectrum, UNICEF estimates that 10 percent of the miners are children, almost exclusively boys, as young as 12 or 13 who are likely to be the sole breadwinners in the family after the father has suffered at the hands of the mine. Miners generally receive about 2 or 3 dollars a day, work between 10 and 12 hour days, and as a result, often go without seeing daylight for days, if not weeks on end. They constantly fight against hunger during long, gruelling days in the mine, and relentlessly chew Coca leaves, for energy, and as a source of respite, however small. The Cerro Rico has often been branded ‘the mountain which eats men’, a fitting description.

The dangers and health impacts of mining are well known from our own history, however, in the modern age these life expectancies and living conditions are remnant of a different era altogether. It seems abhorrent that anyone should have to suffer such extreme working conditions, in any respect, but even more so given the tiny compensation they receive through wages and other means.

If there is so much wealth in the world, how is it possible that this sort of employment still exists to the extremes that it does? We are no strangers to mining in this country, and certainly under no illusions as to its potential for wealth generation. However, it does seem remarkable that such unimaginable conditions are being effectively enforced on Potosi’s inhabitants, simply by virtue of living in the city and the limited other employment options which are available.

This article does not have an answer, or even begin to suggest one, but if nothing else, hopes to remind us of the incredibly fortunate position we find ourselves in. Returning to the questions first raised, we should be aware of the fact that these things still exist in our world – and it begs the question of why, how, and most importantly, what we are going to do about them.